Libertarians appear to have a coherent moral philosophy, which includes a general opposition to forcing any particular moral code upon others. Note that Paul is not saying that gambling is morally acceptable. Rather, he is saying that (negative) liberty has a moral value that supersedes other moral considerations. Libertarians seem willing to reject both liberal concerns for social justice [21] and conservative concerns for respecting existing social structure [22] when those concerns conflict with their superordinate interest in maintaining individual liberty. The goal of our first study is to confirm these observations by directly surveying a broad range of moral values and concerns, and testing whether self-described libertarians place a higher value on liberty and a lower value on other moral concerns, compared to self-described liberals and conservatives.
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To apply this model to the study of libertarians, we first show that libertarians do indeed have a distinct profile of moral concerns (Study 1). We then show that dispositional traits relate to ideological identification, and that this relationship is often mediated by moral intuitions, which can be thought of as a type of characteristic adaptation in McAdams' terminology (Study 2). In Study 3, we show that specific moral concerns relate to distinct styles of social functioning, and that libertarians' unique moral profile relates to their social preferences. Consistent with theories of parallel constraint satisfaction [37], we show that libertarianism can be understood as a set of relationships between a broad number of dispositional traits, social preferences, and moral values.
Our sample, while far more diverse than most college samples [83], has specific characteristics that reduce the generalizability of this research. The sample tends to be more politically aware, educated, white, and liberal than a representative U.S. sample would be. This reduces the likelihood of confounds due to race or education, but also means that it remains an open question whether the relationships found would hold within a less educated or more racially diverse group. In addition, political and moral differences are likely more salient in the context of our website, meaning that effect sizes may be increased in this setting. The mean values for libertarians in our sample are likely quite different than the mean values for these measures if we were able to examine the population as a whole. However, whereas the mean values derived from our dataset may differ from national averages, the relationships between variables in our dataset have been found to be comparable to nationally representative samples [84].
The plot shows the growth of DNA sequencing both in the total number of human genomes sequenced (left axis) as well as the worldwide annual sequencing capacity (right axis: Tera-basepairs (Tbp), Peta-basepairs (Pbp), Exa-basepairs (Ebp), Zetta-basepairs (Zbps)). The values through 2015 are based on the historical publication record, with selected milestones in sequencing (first Sanger through first PacBio human genome published) as well as three exemplar projects using large-scale sequencing: the 1000 Genomes Project, aggregating hundreds of human genomes by 2012 [3]; The Cancer Genome Atlas (TCGA), aggregating over several thousand tumor/normal genome pairs [4]; and the Exome Aggregation Consortium (ExAC), aggregating over 60,000 human exomes [5]. Many of the genomes sequenced to date have been whole exome rather than whole genome, but we expect the ratio to be increasingly favored towards whole genome in the future. The values beyond 2015 represent our projection under three possible growth curves as described in the main text.
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